Doctrine of Racism 1638
THE 1638 MARYLAND DOCTRINE OF EXCLUSION
The Maryland Doctrine of Exclusion was collectively written by the Maryland Colony Council in 1638, and states the following, Neither the existing black population, their descendents, nor any other blacks shall be permitted to enjoy the fruits of White society. The doctrine was written to insure that Blacks would remain a subordinate, non-competitive, non-compensated workforce.
Manumission is the act of a slave owner freeing his or her slaves. Different approaches developed, each specific to the time and place of a society's slave system.
The motivations of slave owners in manumitting slaves were complex and varied. Firstly, manumission may present itself as a sentimental and benevolent gesture. One typical scenario was the freeing in the master's will of a devoted servant after long years of service. This kind of manumission generally was restricted to slaves who had some degree of intimacy with their masters, such as those serving as personal attendants, household servants, secretaries and the like. In some cases, master and slave had had a long-term sexual relationship. Owners sometimes freed the woman and children born of such relationships. While a trusted bailiff might be manumitted as a gesture of gratitude, for those working as agricultural labourers or in workshops, there was little likelihood of being so noticed.
Such feelings of benevolence may have been of value to slave owners themselves as it allowed them to focus on a 'humane component' in the human traffic of slavery. In general, it was more common for older slaves to be given freedom, once they had reached the age where they were beginning to be less useful. Legislation under the early Roman empire put limits on the number of slaves that could be freed in wills (Fufio-Caninian law 2 BC), which suggests that it had been widely used.
Freeing slaves could serve the pragmatic interests of the owner. The prospect of manumission worked as an incentive for slaves to be industrious and compliant. Roman slaves were paid a wage (pecunium) with which they could save up to, in effect, buy themselves. Manumission contracts found in some abundance at Delphi specify in detail the prerequisites for liberation.
After 1723, Manumission Takes Careful Planning and Plenty of Savvy
by Linda Rowe
As the institution of slavery matured in colonial Virginia, slaveholders saw the small number of free blacks in the colony as a great inconvenience suspected of everything from receiving stolen goods and encouraging slaves to run away to fomenting rebellion. Moreover, being grown old [they bring] a charge upon the countrythat is, aged free blacks who were unable to work, in principle at least, became eligible for support from the parishes in which they lived. Although the General Assembly never considered reenslavement of the existing free black population, it took measures to prevent slaveholders of ill directed generosity from adding to the numbers by setting slaves free.
In 1691, the General Assembly passed a law aimed at making masters think twice before freeing any of their slaves. While manumission by deed or will was legal under this law, it required a newly freed slave to leave the colony within six months and the former master to pay for the trip.
Although this legislation likely had a dampening effect on the urge to manumit, it is not clear how many slaves were freed and forced to leave Virginia during the thirty-two years it was in effect.
Manumission became much more difficult in 1723. Paragraph 17 of the 1723 Act Directing the Trial of Slaves, Committing Capital Crimes; and for the More Effectual Punishing Conspiracies and Insurrection of Them; and for the Better Government of Negros, Mulattos, and Indians, Bond or Free stated that No negro, mullatto, or Indian slaves, shall be set free, upon any pretence whatsoever, except for some meritorious services, to be adjudged and allowed by the governor and council, for the time being.
Passed in response to rumored slave insurrections, this act permitted manumission only upon approval of the governor and Council and then only as a reward for public service. Should a slave be set free in any other manner (by will or deed, for example), the act required churchwardens to return the person so freed to slavery by sale at public outcry.
Historians have said that the meritorious service in which Virginians were most interested was for slaves to alert authorities to slave conspiracies and insurrections, but records of the governors Council show that no slaves gained their freedom on those grounds after 1723. Instead, meritorious service came to include such qualities as exemplary character and faithfulness. In spite of the 1723 law, a few slave owners left instructions in their wills to free a slave. It was then up to their executors or administrators to petition the governor and Council.
When arrangements prior to petitioning the governor and Council included agreement between a white slaveholder and a slave or free black, the process was fraught with pitfalls. A slave owner might die before a slave or free black was able to fulfill the purchase agreement. It is also not hard to imagine that, after receiving the agreed upon purchase price for a slave, a master might not honor the agreement, perhaps by simply failing to go to the trouble and expense of taking that extra but critical step of submitting a petition to the Council. The following examples and the chart above may help explain why there are only about twenty petitions for freedom to be found among the journals of the Council between 1723 and 1773.
What is PowerNomics®?
PowerNomics is a new conceptual framework for understanding the issue of race and a guide for Blacks to become a more productive and competitive group within the American economy.
An economically stronger Black America makes a stronger America. PowerNomics: The National Plan to Empower Black America is the guide offered by Dr. Claud Anderson to achieve that end.
Dr. Claud Anderson
Dr. Claud Anderson is president of PowerNomics Corporation of America, Inc., The Harvest Institute and WaterLand Fisheries, Inc.
PowerNomics is a company that publishes his books and produces multimedia presentations in which he explains his economic concepts. PowerNomics® is the package of principles and strategies he developed to explain the concept of race and to offer Black America a guide to become a more economically and politically competitive group in America.
Dr. Andersons book, PowerNomics, incorporates and reflects his past experiences: his academic research, business experience, both as an owner and a capital provider, and his varied political positions. He has held the highest positions in federal and state government and politics.
He was State Coordinator of Education for Florida under Governor Reubin Askew during the tumultuous period of the 1970?s. After successful social reform projects in Florida and leading President Jimmy Carters Florida campaign to a win in the state, Carter appointed Anderson as the Federal Co-Chairman for a Commission of governors in the southeast states. In that position (rank of assistant secretary in the U.S. Department of Commerce), he chaired a regional commission that funded and directed economic development projects for governors in those states. The seafood industry, which at that point was all wild catch, was a major sector focus.
The projects he funded created jobs and businesses in the Southeastern states. Anderson has taught at all levels of education. He was also executive director of two economic development corporations for the city of Miami, Florida and a major planner and coordinator for the 1988 Democratic Convention in Atlanta.
As an entrepreneur, Dr. Anderson built WaterLand Fisheries, Inc. (WFI), a seafood factory he operates on Marylands Eastern Shore, as an example of PowerNomics® principles. WFI has the capacity to produce a million pounds of live high quality fish annually in a controlled indoor environment. It is the largest aquaculture facility in Maryland and one of the largest in the nation. Dr. Anderson had ownership in radio stations, including the one he built and operated in Tallahassee, Florida, retail food outlets and residential construction.
Dr. Anderson is also president of The Harvest Institute, a nationally recognized think tank that does research, policy development, education and advocacy to increase the competitiveness of Black America. The foundation for Harvest Institute programs are Dr. Andersons books, Black Labor, White Wealth: A Search for Power and Economic Justice and PowerNomics: The National Plan to Empower Black America.
Dr. Anderson lectures frequently to business groups, universities, churches and social organizations on the economic, social and political solutions he proposes. His books, Black Labor, White Wealth, PowerNomics: The National Plan, Dirty Little Secrets about Black History and his latest book, More Dirty Little Secrets authored with his son Brant, have all been best sellers, are widely read throughout the United States and are used as textbooks in many universities and high schools.
Black Capitalism is a movement among African Americans to build wealth through the ownership and development of businesses. It has not been acknowledged as a legitimate "movement" among African Americans, such as Black Nationalism or the civil rights movement as it has no organized body to promote its intent and goals. However, much in these movements were financed by the wealth of African Americans.
Only Non-Immigrant Group
Blacks are Americas only non-immigrant group and one of the oldest populations. They have been here since the 1500's and were here before ninety-eight percent of all immigrant groups arrived. Yet Blacks are on the bottom of every economic, social, health, and political indicator.